“Drown me! Roast me! Skin me alive! Do whatever you please!” cried Br’er Rabbit. “Only please, Br’er Fox, please – whatever you do, just don’t throw me into that briar patch!”
- Joel Chandler Harris

Quite a lot has happened on the healthcare front over the holidays, even in addition to the Telltale Pacemaker story, and DrRich suspects that more than a few of his readers – busily eating, drinking and being merry – may have missed some of it. But fear not. DrRich is committed to catching you all up.

One story even the most dedicated of you revelers might have heard something about is that a U.S. District Judge, Henry E. Hudson, has declared the Obamacare individual mandate to be unconstitutional.

This ruling has no immediate practical result, since the individual mandate is not scheduled to go into effect until 2014. But Hudson’s ruling has given a great boost to Tea Partiers, certain Republicans, constitutional fundamentalists, and other recalcitrants who keep trying to disrupt the modern Progressive program by invoking the Constitution, and other old-timey scripture, written by slave-holding, wig-wearing, pompous old white men who didn’t even like each other very much, let alone Diversity, and who had never even heard of Twitter or Facebook or 4G networks, and whose scribblings therefore cannot possibly have anything important to say to modern-day people like us. In any case, Hudson’s ruling is not dispositive, and the matter of the constitutionality of the individual mandate will finally be decided in the U.S. Supreme Court.

In a related matter, also over the holidays, President Obama phoned the president of the Philadelphia Eagles to praise him for giving Michael Vick a second chance.

Some readers will not immediately see how President Obama’s phone call to the Eagles is relevant to Hudson’s ruling on the individual mandate, but that’s what DrRich is here for. You see, Dear Readers, Mr. Obama is a very brilliant and subtle man, whose actions and words can never be taken at face value, but which (like, as it happens, the actions and words of Christ) must be interpreted in the context of the entirety of his life’s work. Accordingly, his phone call to the Eagles can only be properly interpreted if one understands (as the President undoubtedly does) that Judge Hudson is the selfsame judge who sentenced Mr. Vick to the federal penitentiary for engaging in unsavory sporting activities involving dogs.

It should be clear then that President Obama’s real message, for those few of us who are perceptive enough to understand it, is: “Judge Hudson has a history of making rulings whose ultimate result is the precise opposite of what one might originally think. His Vick ruling was seen by everybody as an action that would ruin Mr. Vick’s career forever. But, as a result of that action, Mr. Vick dedicated himself as never before to becoming a great quarterback, and has already achieved heights he might never have reached if Hudson had been more lenient. So when Hudson says the individual mandate is unconstitutional, take heart! The final effect of his ruling will be – as in the case of Michael Vick – the opposite of what everybody thinks.”

The loud protests you hear from Mr. Obama’s side regarding the challenge to the constitutionality of the individual mandate, for the most part, are genuine. Most Progressives, lacking Obama’s subtlety, are outraged that something as important and as groundbreaking as Obamacare is threatened by mere scratchings made by old men in ancient days on a piece of cracked parchment. The official defense of the individual mandate made shortly after Hudson’s ruling, by none other than Kathleen Sebelius and Eric Holder, stresses this point. These eminences (one of whom is the Attorney General of the United States for goodness sake!) were utterly unable to come up with a legal or constitutional justification for the individual mandate, and based their defense entirely on the proposition that Obamacare is really, really important, and that the individual mandate is vital to Obamacare. The notion that if something is important enough the Constitution must be pushed aside (or, more accurately, “re-interpreted” in light of modern-day exigencies) is a given for Progressives, and they just don’t understand how any reasonable person could think otherwise.

Mr. Obama, DrRich believes, looks at it differently. Let us review some basic facts:

1) President Obama favors, and is working toward, a single-payer healthcare system. He has said so publicly many times. (Here’s one example.)
2) Obamacare places us on the road to a single-payer system – either a direct single-payer system run entirely by the government, or a single-payer system which is administered by minutely-regulated “health insurance utilities.”
3) The health insurance industry is currently running out the string on its fundamentally broken business model, and desperately needs Obamacare as a pathway to a graceful exit strategy.
4) The sole reason for the individual mandate was to get the health insurance companies on board with Obamacare, that is, the individual mandate buys the insurance industry a few more years of life – one last windfall – in return for which they will become heavily regulated utilities,  and likely avoid the ignominious and catastrophic failure their current trajectory suggests.
5) On the other hand, if we instead went to single-payer healthcare like the President and his Progressive friends want – such as Medicare for all – then the constitutionality of the individual mandate would immediately become moot.

If these facts – particularly the ones about the state of the health insurance industry – are correct (and DrRich believes he has amply demonstrated that they are), then declaring the individual mandate to be unconstitutional will actually play into Mr. Obama’s hands quite nicely.

If the individual mandate is declared unconstitutional and Obamacare becomes entirely defunct, the insurance industry will remain on their path to imminent disaster. They will be forced to price nearly everyone out of the insurance market, and themselves out of business, and we Americans will be left with no obvious choice but single-payer, Medicare-for-all healthcare by default, as the only obvious constitutional option. (There are, of course, other options – such as the one DrRich has proposed – but these likely will continue to be ignored.)

Mr. Obama will go on TV and say:

“We tried! Nobody can say we didn’t. We presented our nation with a healthcare plan that would cover almost everybody, and which would save the private insurance industry. But now, the actions of the Republican naysayers have destroyed the only mechanism that would have allowed the insurance industry to continue to function.  And now the insurance companies are falling like dominoes, and uninsured Americans will soon number over 100 million.  You and your loved ones and your neighbors face imminent death or disability from Republican neglect.  We must act, and we must act now.

“I and my Democratic colleagues did not want it this way. We fought hard for our centrist, market-based plan.  But our Republican opponents and their allies in the reactionary Court leave us no choice.  My fellow Americans, as a matter of national security, and of national survival, we must pass into law, within the next 30 days, my new program to expand Medicare to cover all Americans. All other paths have been closed to us. And if you don’t like it, as I myself do not, you know who to hold responsible at the polls.”

On the other hand, of course, the individual mandate may be declared constitutional by the Supreme Court. (DrRich does not understand how this could happen under the Constitution as written, and neither, apparently, does Mr. Holder. But given the “living document” proclivities of many justices these days, one must admit it is reasonably likely to happen.) And if the individual mandate is declared constitutional, then the federal government will have been granted the authority to dictate any behavior it wishes upon individual Americans, as long as those behaviors are deemed to be important enough by the government to the collective interest.

Either outcome to the constitutional challenge to the individual mandate, therefore, will be more than convenient to the ends of President Obama. He understands this very well as he stands there, entirely serene and above the fray, watching Sebelius and Holder, and his other minions, caterwauling over the constitutional challenge to the individual mandate.

“Please, Br’er Elephant,  whatever you do, please don’t throw my individual mandate into that briar patch!”

Podcast:

As we have seen, the fact that the health insurance industry was going to support healthcare reform after the 2008 elections was a foregone conclusion.  The question was: How would the insurance industry support healthcare reform?

When the time came, the support the insurance industry gave to President Obama’s efforts to reform healthcare followed four simple rules:

1) Do not actively oppose Obamacare. In stark contrast to its behavior during the Clinton’s effort to reform healthcare in 1993-94, this time the insurance industry never engaged its vast public relations resources to stifle healthcare reform.  There was no Harry and Louise this time. (Actually, Harry and Louise – the original actors – did make a brief appearance, but now, like the insurance industry itself, they were older, wiser, and sadder, and this time they fully supported the proposed reforms.)

2) Submit quietly to demonization.  A key strategy of the Democrats in passing Obamacare was to remind Americans repeatedly that the for-profit health insurance industry is fundamentally evil.  This strategy was based on the time-honored precept that it is easier to get the unwashed masses to cooperate through hatred than through reason, and so, to gain their cooperation, one must give them something to hate. Obviously, this strategy meant that the health insurance industry had to accept its role as the bad guys in the reform debates without complaint, and without engaging in any serious self-defense.

3) Offer subdued public support to Obamacare. The AHIP (America’s Health Insurance Plans) issued public statements that cautiously supported President Obama’s healthcare reforms. But its support had to remain subdued and tepid, since Satan can’t be seen leading the hymns.

4) Whenever necessary, rise up and demonstrate to the world just how evil you really are. At the end of the day, this was the most important role the insurance industry played in advancing Obamacare. It was certainly their most active role.

It was not a difficult role to fill. Since 1994 the health insurers had engaged in the sorts of truly evil, inhumane, and reprehensible practices that are naturally engendered by covert healthcare rationing, and that harmed or killed many of their subscribers. The only difficult part was choosing which reprehensible behaviors to feature, and when to do it.

In at least two key moments during the fight over healthcare reform – June, 2009 and February, 2010 – when the proponents of reform felt their momentum lagging, the insurance industry intervened with gratuitous behaviors whose chief function was to remind Americans just how unremittingly wicked and inhumane they really are. In the second case, at least arguably, the insurance industry turned the reform effort from apparent defeat to almost certain victory. Indeed, it is not too much of an exaggeration to assert that, in the end, the health insurance industry saved Obamacare.

June, 2009: Say Hello To My Little Friend

The debate over Obamacare entered a new phase in May and June of 2009.  It was during those months that the opposition to healthcare reform found its voice, and it began to seem as if perhaps the Obama steamroller could really be slowed, if not stopped. People were even beginning to say that many Democrats in Congress, after getting an earful from their constituents when they held their summer town hall meetings, would abandon any idea of supporting President Obama’s healthcare reforms.

Supporters of Obamacare decided it was time to invoke the demons.  So in mid-June, the House Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations called three health insurers to testify on the practice of rescission, and to face not only indignant Congresspersons, but also some of the people who had been personally harmed by their practices.

“Rescission” is when an insurance company voids subscriber’s health insurance (after happily accepting premiums from that subscriber, often for many years) once they get sick. Under some circumstances, rescission might be justifiable. It is legal and proper to cancel a policy if the subscriber is found to have purposely lied on the insurance application about a prior illness that is material to the current illness.

But health insurance companies for years have actively and aggressively practiced rescission on subscribers whose insurance applications contained inadvertent and non-material inaccuracies.  (Just to put it in perspective, this kind of bad behavior is to be expected under a system of covert healthcare rationing, which again, is rationing by whatever means you can get away with.)

Furthermore, the health insurance industry does not merely engage in occasional unfair rescission practices; it has industrialized the process. It employs health insurance detectives whose job is to comb the prior medical records of subscribers who are newly diagnosed with certain, expensive medical conditions, looking for even trivial discrepancies on insurance applications, which they can inflate to “fraudulent” omissions, thus voiding the policy. These health insurance detectives are paid by commission, according to how much money their efforts can save the company. Many of them find it a very lucrative career.

So, at the cost of perpetrating a bit of inhumanity, rescission can save insurance companies a lot of money.

Consider some of the individuals who testified in Congress along with the insurance companies that day

• A nurse in Texas had her insurance canceled after she was diagnosed with breast cancer because she had failed to reveal that, years before, she had consulted a dermatologist about acne.
• A man (whose surviving sister had to testify) had his insurance canceled before he could begin expensive cancer therapy, because he had not revealed (and indeed he had not known) that a prior CT scan had showed gallstones and an aneurysm – conditions unrelated to his cancer.
• A woman had her insurance canceled – and due to the rescission could not find replacement insurance – because she failed to reveal that, at one time, she had been on medication for irregular menstruation.

During the hearing, the three health insurance executives were caused to listen to these and other incredible stories describing some of the inexcusable pain, suffering and death their unfair rescission practices had caused, and then were forced to listen to withering commentary by stunned Republicans and Democrats on the Subcommittee, whose own investigation had found that the three companies on the docket had retrospectively canceled the policies of 20,000 sick subscribers over the past 5 years.

After these heart-rending testimonies and the blistering attacks from extremely angry congresspersons, the executives were challenged by Chairman Stupak (D-Michigan) to now commit to discontinuing the practice of rescission unless intentional fraud could be shown.

All three replied, in turn, “No.”

Such a reply, in such a setting, almost defies belief. The only possible explanation, in fact, is that the insurance industry was stepping up to the plate, and embracing its assigned role as the Evil One in the great healthcare debate.

Even the most stone-hearted insurance executive can see that canceling the health insurance of a newly-diagnosed cancer patient, because she’d forgotten she’d required acne medicine before the prom 20 years ago, is just a bit unfair. But how did these three executives react? They did not attempt to deny such reprehensible behavior, or to explain it, or to defend it.  They were simply defiant about it.

One is put in mind of Tony “Scarface” Montana, bereft of friends, family, allies and bodyguards (albeit because of his own actions), hopelessly surrounded by an army of heavily-armed assassins, screaming, “Say hello to my little friend!” then launching defiantly into a wild, bloody and spectacular suicide.

One cannot for a moment believe that that Richard A. Collins, chief executive of UnitedHealth’s Golden Rule Insurance Co., Don Hamm, chief executive of Assurant Health, and Brian Sassi, president of consumer business for WellPoint Inc., would have been stupid enough to publicly defy Congress over such an indefensible practice, if doing so was against their own long-term interests.  Appearances to the contrary notwithstanding, they were not auditioning for a remake of Scarface.

This is not how an industry behaves which wants to court the goodwill of Congress at a critical juncture in its life cycle. This is not the strategy of an industry that wants Congress to defy its own party’s President and defeat healthcare reform, or that is begging Congress to give them another chance to figure out how to bring healthcare costs into check. This is not the behavior of any industry that wants to elicit any sort of favorable action from Congress. Indeed, these executives would have seemed more sympathetic and deserving if they had proposed instead to place live puppies on a spit and roast them over an open fire during half-time at the Super Bowl.

There is only one explanation for their astounding public defiance on this matter. Which is, it must have suited their long-term interests.

Recall that at the time of this remarkable hearing, there was growing skepticism about President Obama’s healthcare reform efforts, not only on the part of Republicans, but also on the part of a critical minority of Democrats in Congress. And for the first time since the election, there was some question about whether his reform plan would succeed in gaining sufficient support.

What must the health insurance industry do in the face of this faltering support for its desperate end-game? It must act to bolster Obamacare.

In this light the stark, defiant, public “no” uttered by the three insurance executives makes sense. “Look at us,” they were saying, “See how evil we are! We are utterly devoid of human decency, ethical obligations, or a sense of fair play. If we behave this defiantly when we are in the position of mere supplicants to your eminences, just think how we will behave if you fail to rein us in with new reforms!  Abandon all hope, those of you who rely on us for your healthcare, and behold the congressional dogs that placed us in this position of power over your very lives!”

Given the headwinds the healthcare reform effort was to face during the next nine months, it is difficult to say with any certainty how much good the insurance industry did in June, 2009, when it took such an extraordinary step to remind Americans just how incredibly evil it is. But when the time came to help boost the President’s reform efforts, nobody can deny that the insurance industry stepped up and did its duty.

February, 2010: Raising Obamacare From The Dead

Things looked especially bleak for healthcare reform in early February of 2010.  The incredible, possibly Constitution-defying, machinations Congress employed in its desperate attempt to pass healthcare reform had disgusted a majority of Americans, and momentum was clearly shifting to the opponents of Obamacare. And when Republican Scott Brown incredibly won the Senate seat in Massachusetts, robbing the Democrats of their crucial, filibuster-blocking 60th vote, many thought healthcare reform was dead.

But then out of nowhere, in early February, Wellpoint’s California subsidiary, Anthem Blue Cross, announced it was raising its already-astronomical health insurance premiums by as much as 39%, a move that promised to greatly increase the number of Californians who are uninsured.

The demoralized Democrats in the administration greedily capitalized on this new opportunity.

Kathleen Sebelius immediately fired off a very public letter to the company, demanding that they justify this unconscionable rate increase. And Wellpoint, lustily assuming its assigned role as villain, was delighted to reply, equally publicly.

We’re in a recession, Wellpoint brazenly asserted, and in a recession, like it or not, people exercise their prerogative to drop their health insurance. The only people who don’t drop their health insurance are the sick people, or those who are likely to become sick, which means that our cost per subscriber goes way up. So naturally, we have to increase premiums. By a lot. It’s just business. That’s just the nature of our current, unreformed healthcare system. So choke on it.

Wellpoint was also kind enough to mention (for anyone dense enough to have missed the point) that the need for higher insurance premiums would be nicely mitigated if everybody was mandated by the government to purchase health insurance.

Wellpoint’s anounced premium increase immediately triggered great volumes of delighted outrage by thankful Democrats, who desperately needed a large dose of “evil insurance company” at just that time. Wellpoint’s action reignited the proponents of healthcare reform, who were inspired to remind all Americans that this is what would happen to everyone if healthcare reform failed, and the greedy insurance companies had their way.

Stunned Republicans, seeing their impending victory over Obamacare evaporating before their eyes, could only issue a few lame and uncomfortable attempts to diminish the significance of Wellpoint’s unfortunate action.  But to little avail. The momentum had shifted. At least arguably, it was Wellpoint’s decision to announce an unconscionable rate increase at this extremely critical juncture that put healthcare reform back on the road to adoption.

From a pure business standpoint, there was no good reason for Wellpoint to stir the soup at that moment. Wellpoint is the most financially sound private health insurance company. While its California subsidiary did lose money in 2009, overall the company performed quite well, and reported a very nice profit growth for the year. And with several of its competitors in trouble, Wellpoint stood to do comparatively well for the foreseeable future.

Furthermore, it has since been learned that Wellpoint’s math was bad. An independent actuary working for the California Department of Insurance reported on May 5, 2010 that the company had made “numerous errors” in calculating is rate increases, and further, that Wellpoint could cut its rate hikes substantially, and still meet its required 70% medical-loss ratio threshold.

It stands to reason that if Wellpoint really wanted healthcare reform to go away, they would have first checked their math before announcing seismic rate increases, and then, if such astounding rate increases were really needed, they would have waited a few months – while Obamacare died – before announcing their rate hike.

The last thing they would have done is to throw the reformers a critical lifeline just as they were going under for the last time.

In any case Wellpoint’s action, especially at that moment, seems entirely gratuitous. Wellpoint could only have chosen to do its demon dance, at such an inopportune moment, in order to revive Obamacare during its darkest hour.

And that’s precisely what happened.

In the final post in this series of articles, we will take a look at the implications of the insurance industry’s support of Obamacare, as we who find Obamacare less than desirable contemplate what we ought to do about it.
__

Why Big Health Insurance Supported Obamacare

Part I – Another Reason He Should Have Kept the Bust

Part II – Why the Health Insurance Industry Supported Obamacare

Part IV – What It Means That the Health Insurance Industry Saved Obamacare
________________________________

Now, read the whole story.

DrRich explains it all in, Fixing American Healthcare – Wonkonians, Gekkonians and the Grand Unification Theory of Healthcare.

Now on Kindle!

While President Obama, Speaker Pelosi, and a few other stalwarts seem to understand that passing healthcare reform would be worth almost any price that might be extracted by the electorate in November, less principled (and more at-risk) members of Congress, who are apparently less dedicated to a certain ideology than their leaders, apparently see it another way.

And so, from all appearances, things appear to have stalled on healthcare reform.

But while our political leaders seem willing at this moment to take a breather – either to lick their wounds and regroup, or to celebrate an important tactical victory – one interested party in the healthcare reform wars cannot afford to rest.

That would be the health insurance industry.

As DrRich has pointed out before, the health insurance industry is the one entity that simply cannot afford to wait. They need healthcare reform now.

The health insurance industry has pretty much run out its string. The era in which insurers can increase their market cap by acquiring public assets (i.e., non-profit institutions) for a fraction of their true value, and by making mergers and acquisitions, is pretty much over. For the past few years insurance companies, for the first time, have had to try to make a profit by taking care of sick people. They have never done that successfully, and never will. They have tried every underhanded trick imaginable to avoid paying benefits to their subscribers. They have already raised insurance premiums to the very breaking point. But an uncooperative public insists on getting older and sicker, and greedy drug and medical device companies insist on bringing ever-more expensive technologies to the clinic. The insurance industry finds its profit margins (already small) rapidly eroding. The industry’s business model – taking in inflated insurance premiums, then attempting to withhold medical services – is irreparably broken.

As a result, what the health insurance industry needs more than anything else is a graceful exit strategy. And Mr. Obama’s healthcare reforms promised them that very thing. (What, exactly, they have been promised is largely a matter of conjecture, but most likely they will take on a role in administering government-funded healthcare, quite possibly assuming the role of a public utility.)

Whatever may be the particulars of the “deal” the health insurance industry struck with the reformers, that deal offered them enough to purchase their silence during the entire roiling debate over healthcare reform through the summer, fall and winter. They have stoically (almost cheerfully) accepted their assigned role as “villain” in this set piece, and have silently borne the public “attacks” the President and his soldiers have dutifully launched against them in an effort to drum up support for their reforms. All the nasty things the Democrats have said about them, the industry understands, are necessary components of their last best hope to salvage something serviceable out of their broken business model. No Harry and Louise this time!

Despite this symbiotic relationship, the reforms envisioned by the Democrats and the insurance industry have now faltered. The stalling of the reforms, however, means very different things to these partners.

For the Democrats, while abandoning, or even substantially diminishing, the ambitious reforms they had in their sights might prove modestly embarrassing for a time, such is the nature of politics. When one overreaches, one pulls back and waits for a while, until the other side overreaches. Look at where the Republicans were just a year ago. A year or three from now, they may be back in a similarly diminished state – and the time for passing healthcare reform may again become propitious. If you’re a Democrat politician, you must take the long view.

But the insurance industry does not have that luxury. They are at the end of their tether, and their only alternative to a graceful exit strategy of the type (whatever it was) the President promised them, is a completely graceless one. Whatever happens or doesn’t happen with healthcare reform, the insurers can’t keep doing business as usual. DrRich believes the health insurance industry has been backed into a corner, and the doorway the Democrats were making for them is being nailed shut.

In such a situation, it is entirely predictable that the insurance industry will take some kind of drastic action, to try to force healthcare reform back on the table.

And last week, Wellpoint did so. Wellpoint’s California subsidiary, Anthem Blue Cross, announced it is raising its already-astronomical health insurance premiums by as much as 39%, a move that promises to greatly increase the number of Californians who are uninsured.

Kathleen Sebelius immediately fired off a public letter to the company, demanding that they justify this unconscionable rate increase. And Wellpoint, lustily assuming its assigned role as villain, was delighted to comply. We’re in a recession, Wellpoint brazenly asserted, and in a recession, like it or not, people exercise their prerogative to drop their health insurance. The only people who don’t drop their health insurance are the sick people or those who are likely to become sick, which means that our cost per subscriber goes way up. So naturally, we have to increase premiums. By a lot. It’s just business. That’s just the nature of our current, unreformed healthcare system. So choke on it.

Wellpoint was also kind enough to mention (for anyone dense enough to have missed the point) that the need for higher premiums would be nicely mitigated if everybody was mandated to purchase health insurance.

Wellpoint’s premium increase immediately triggered great volumes of delighted outrage by thankful Democrats, who really need a large dose of “evil insurance company” right about now, but it elicited only a few lame and uncomfortable attempts by stunned Republicans to diminish the significance of the unfortunate action.

DrRich would like to point out that, from a pure business standpoint, there was no good reason for Wellpoint to stir the soup at this moment. Wellpoint is the most financially sound private health insurance company. While its California subsidiary did lose money last year, overall the company performed quite well, and reported a very nice profit growth for the year. And with several of its competitors in trouble, Wellpoint stands to do comparatively well for the foreseeable future. So it stands to reason that, if Wellpoint really wanted healthcare reform to go away, they would have waited a few months before announcing their rate hike. It would have cost them very little to do so. The last thing they would have done is to throw the reformers a critical lifeline just as they were going under for the last time.

Wellpoint’s astounding premium increase was, DrRich submits, a strategic move to push health insurance reform back to the front burner.

The Republicans, many of whom believe that the failure of Obama’s healthcare reform will spell the failure of his presidency, have been thereby served notice. An angry electorate – which, at the moment, seems ready to punish Democrats for their attempt at passing an unpopular government takeover of healthcare – is likely to become even angrier if it turns out that the failure to reform healthcare will give the haughty insurance companies the green light to price even more millions of hard-working Americans out of the health insurance market. That species of anger will be directed toward the Republicans, and not the Democrats.

DrRich has always maintained that if healthcare reform is to happen, despite the incompetence of the Democrats who control everything, the reason it will happen is because the insurance companies cannot survive without it.

Accordingly, Republicans who understand what Wellpoint is telling them will think twice about skipping President Obama’s proposed bipartisan summit on healthcare, or behaving intractably if they do show up. If they fail to get the message, DrRich suspects that we will soon be hearing about additional, even more astounding, rate hikes.